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The ruling house of West Sünit Banner

group · 1642–1949

Hereditary Chinggisid princely line that governed West Sünit (Sönöd/Sunid) Banner in the Qing-era Shilingol League banner system; its best-known head, Demchugdongrub, later led the Mengjiang regime.

The banner and its ruling line

West Sünit (also transliterated Sönöd or Sunid) was one of the banners (khoshuu) of the Shilingol League in Inner Mongolia, part of the Qing dynasty’s banner-and-league administrative system for the Mongols. Sechin Jagchid traces the ruling line’s Chinggisid pedigree through Dayan Khan, who reunified Mongolia in the sixteenth century and placed the Sunid under his eldest son, Torubolod; the descendants of Torubolod came to rule not only the Sunid but also the neighboring Chahar, Ujumuchin, and Khauchid tribes (Jagchid). Mongol noble houses of the period, including this one, claimed descent from Chinggis Khan’s Borjigin clan. Jagchid describes the aristocracy generally as taiji, blood relatives of the altan urag, the Golden Clan (Jagchid).

The tribe’s submission to the rising Manchus came in stages. Jagchid recounts that during the struggle of Ligdan Khan, the last Mongol grand khan, against the Manchus, the Sunid, Ujumuchin, and Khauchid migrated north into Outer Mongolia rather than rebel against the khan’s authority, then moved back south of the Gobi and surrendered after his defeat (Jagchid). In 1638 the Right Flank of the Sunid, led by a man named Susai, submitted, and in 1642 the Manchu ruler Abahai conferred on Susai the hereditary title of jasag toroyin junwang (a second-ranking ruling prince) over the Right Flank, the line that would govern the banner (Jagchid). The Left Flank followed separately. Susai’s nephew Tenggis surrendered with it in 1639, was given one of Abahai’s daughters in marriage the next year as a gesture of goodwill, and in 1641 received the same rank as Susai, at which point the two Sunid banners were formally constituted (Jagchid). The Sunid Right Banner occupied the western edge of the Shilingol League, on the Kalgan–Ulaanbaatar caravan route and bordering Outer Mongolia at the salt lake of Ere’en (Erlian) (Jagchid). Rule of the banner passed by hereditary succession within Susai’s line, subject to formal confirmation by the Qing court, into the early twentieth century.

The end date given here (1949) marks the founding of the People’s Republic of China and the broader collapse of hereditary banner rule across Inner Mongolia under the new government. The exact point at which hereditary authority formally ended in West Sünit specifically is not established by the sources used for this entry.

The title and seat of this line are independently corroborated by a contemporary outside observer: the Swedish explorer Sven Hedin, who passed through the banner in 1929. Hedin does not use a personal name, referring only to “Sunit Wang,” the Wang (king) of Barun Sünit (West Sünit) and sovereign of the Sünid Mongols, based at a palace called Wangin Ortu (“the King’s Camp”) with a Chinese-style residence and a private temple (Hedin). Hedin also records that the Panchen (Tashi) Lama, on his 1929 tour of Inner Mongolia, stayed at Wangin Ortu itself for about a month, with roughly 10,000 pilgrims camped around the palace, and that some 2,000 pilgrims from Barun Sünit had earlier attended a separate June gathering elsewhere that drew an estimated 30,000 Mongols in total (Hedin).

A second independent eyewitness confirms the same setting six years later. The Welsh journalist Gareth Jones, in a letter dated July 14, 1935, describes visiting the ruler of West Sünit at his palace and attending a large Mongol feast honoring the mountain spirit (Jones). Jones is a valuable but imperfect observer. His interview material passed through several layers of translation (Mongolian to Chinese to German to English), his account carries some of the condescension typical of 1930s Western travel writing, and he misjudged Demchugdongrub’s age by more than a decade; his direct physical observations and the substance of any recorded interview are more trustworthy than his impressionistic guesses. See the Demchugdongrub entry for the fuller account, including the pan-Mongol ambitions Demchugdongrub described to Jones in that same visit.

Namjilwangchug and the building of the palace

The immediate predecessor was Prince Namjilwangchug, who inherited the jasag of the Sunid Right Banner in 1863 and died in 1902 (Jagchid). Jagchid cautions that Demchugdongrub almost never spoke of his father, so only anecdotal information survives, much of it relayed to Jagchid by Prince Sungjingwangchug. He describes Namjilwangchug as an able administrator who rose to head the Shilingol League and was promoted to qinwang (first-ranking prince) at the court of the Empress Dowager Cixi, taking part in her sixtieth-birthday ceremonies in 1894, before unexpectedly resigning the league headship in 1895 (Jagchid). In his later years he grew withdrawn and fearful of betrayal, reportedly reading documents only through a glass window for fear the paper was poisoned (Jagchid). Preoccupied with fengshui, he expended much of the banner’s wealth and labor building a geomantically sited palace as a symbol of his prestige. Jagchid notes that this same palace, the Wangin Ortu seen by Hedin and Jones above, later served as a symbolic power center of the Inner Mongolian autonomy movement in the 1930s (Jagchid).

Demchugdongrub, its most prominent head

The line’s best-documented and most consequential head was Demchugdongrub, invested as jasag toroyin junwang of the Sunid Right Banner in 1908 after a six-year gap in the succession following his father Namjilwangchug’s death (Jagchid). Demchugdongrub went on to lead the Inner Mongolian autonomy movement of the 1930s and then chaired the Japanese-sponsored Mengjiang regime from the late 1930s until its collapse in 1945.

His prominence should not be read as making this princely house synonymous with Mengjiang. Mengjiang was a multi-banner, Japanese-sponsored state that drew its leadership from several Mongol noble lines, not an extension of one banner’s ruling family. This house is not “the royal house of Mengjiang.”

Genealogy (unverified)

The specific genealogy of Demchugdongrub’s immediate family, spouse, children, and their dates, is much less solidly sourced than the institutional history above, and is recorded here separately for that reason.

D. Zorigt’s account of the family’s fate after 1945 lists his wife as Renchintsoo, and names four sons (Dugarsüren, Galsanjigmed, Ochirbat, Ochirkhuu), a daughter (Batnasan), a daughter-in-law (Serjmyadag), and two grandsons (Nasan-Ölzii, Baatar-Ölzii) (Zorigt, “Fate of His Family”). See the Demchugdongrub entry for the separate, unresolved conflict between this source and Jagchid’s biography over his wife’s name (Jagchid names her Sebjidma). Jagchid’s index independently names “Serjimideg” as the wife of his eldest son Dugursurung, plausibly the same person as Zorigt’s “Serjmyadag,” allowing for transliteration differences, though the two accounts aren’t detailed enough to call this a confirmed match rather than a likely one.

Beyond this, a family chart is known to exist giving further birth and death dates for Demchugdongrub’s children and descendants. It has not been reviewed for this entry, and none of its specific claims are repeated here. It should be checked and properly sourced before any of its detail is added.

Sven Hedin’s 1929 account of the palace household adds a different kind of evidence: not a name, but a documented pattern. He records two dowager queens then living in Sünid, one of them Demchugdongrub’s mother, and states that Demchugdongrub’s father had had several wives; he separately describes Demchugdongrub’s own wife at that time as having recently borne an heir after losing four earlier children, and as living in seclusion (Hedin). This does not resolve the Sebjidma/Renchintsoo naming conflict discussed in the Demchugdongrub entry, since Hedin gives no personal name for any of these women, but it does establish that plural marriage was practiced in this household as a matter of record, not speculation. Hedin’s account also means that if documentary film footage of the household is ever cited here, it should be treated with the same caution: he describes several women present (two dowagers plus the prince’s own wife), so identifying any specific woman by name from footage alone would not be reliable without a named source.

Sources